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Abstract
Recently, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimated that the Senate Finance Committee's health reform plan would cost $1.6 trillion over 10 years. The estimate left many in Washington and around the country with sticker shock. Authors Linda Blumberg and John Holahan place the estimate in context by showing that the costs of health reform are less than 1 percent of estimated GDP and a small fraction of expected health care spending for that period as well. They also contend that the costs associated with inaction are at least as big as those of directly addressing the problems we currently face.
Introduction
$1.6 trillion is an estimate recently put
forth by the Congressional Budget
Office (CBO) on the cost of the
Senate Finance Committee's health
plan. In the current economy and with
the budget problems that the nation
now faces, it is clearly a considerable
sum. The estimate caused the
committee to stop its deliberations and
develop a new plan that would cost
closer to $1.0 trillion. The cost of the
Senate Health, Education, Labor, and
Pensions (HELP) Committee plan was
estimated at $1.0 trillion but without
including the cost of the Medicaid
expansion to all those with incomes
up to 150 percent of the federal
poverty level that the committee
presumed would be a component of
the full reform. Thus, it too would
result in costs that are probably closer
to $1.6 trillion.
While these numbers are indeed
somewhat alarming initially, they
need to be put in context. One source
of confusion is that the $1.6 trillion is
a 10-year number. Between 2010 and
2019, the total amount of gross
domestic product (GDP) is projected
to be $187 trillion, according to
CBO.1 Thus, the estimated gross costs
of health reform are less than 1
percent of the GDP over that period.
And, importantly, the $1.6 trillion is a
total or gross estimate. Other
government costs would be reduced as
a result of expanding coverage so
significantly. For example, multiple
threads of federal and state spending
currently devoted to financing
uncompensated care could be reduced
substantially, if not eliminated. Such
offsets will likely reduce the net new
spending attributable to
comprehensive reform to about $1.2
trillion, making the net costs of reform
an even smaller fraction of 1 percent
of total national income over 10
years.2
The government costs also ignore the
private savings to employers and
individuals resulting from reform. For
example, private savings would be
generated for some individuals
currently buying coverage through the
nongroup market and some small
firms whose workers would join
purchasing exchanges under reform
and obtain coverage at lower
administrative costs. Individuals,
particularly those in bad health, who
are now paying large amounts out of
pocket for medical care would pay
less in the reformed system, resulting
from public subsidies and guaranteed
access to comprehensive insurance
with broad-based risk pooling.
Effective cost containment resulting
from reform would produce even
greater private and public savings.
Absent reform, total health care
expenditures, public and private, will
total $33.0 trillion, over the ten years
2010-2019.3 The $1.2 trillion that we
estimate in net new spending will
therefore increase expected health
costs by only 3.5 percent. The
problem that the nation faces is not
the small increment necessary to
expand coverage to the uninsured, but
the high and growing baseline costs of
the system. The high system costs
must be addressed through payment
and delivery system reforms. The
wide range of savings options include
modifying Medicare provider
payment rates, the use of medical
homes, better coordination of chronic
illness care, prevention of such
illnesses as diabetes and heart disease,
value-based purchasing, and
expansion of integrated health
systems.
And, as we have shown elsewhere,
failing to enact comprehensive reform
carries substantial costs as well.4 We
recently analyzed changes in coverage
and expenditures for a 10-year period,
if reform was not enacted, using
different assumptions about economic
growth and health care cost increases.
We showed that, absent reform, there
would be considerable loss of
employer coverage, particularly
among the middle class, and a
substantial increase in the number of
uninsured, from an estimated 49
million in 2009 to over 60 million in
2019. The number of nonelderly
people enrolled in Medicaid would
increase substantially, from 44 million
in 2009 to well over 50 million by
2019, increasing state and federal
government costs appreciably.
Because of the greater number of
uninsured, the amount of
uncompensated care that hospitals and
clinics would provide would also
increase dramatically, putting further
pressure on government budgets. We
estimate that Medicaid spending
would increase over the 10 years by
about $800 billion without reform and
that the costs of uncompensated care
by about $250 billion.5
Without health reform, employer costs
would also increase substantially, as
would costs to individuals and
families from higher premiums and
out-of-pocket costs. Higher employer
contributions to premiums would also
affect individuals and families
because increased spending on
benefits would eventually mean lower
wages. The fact that employer
spending on premiums, which is tax
exempt, would make up a higher share
of total compensation would mean
lower federal tax revenue. Thus,
individuals would be faced with lower
wages, higher out-of-pocket costs for
premiums and cost sharing, new taxes
to support higher Medicaid enrollment
and uncompensated care, and a need
to replace tax revenue lost due to
growing employer contributions to
health insurance. In addition, many
other individuals and families would
be faced with the challenges posed by
being uninsured.
$1.6 trillion is a large number, but one
that needs to be placed in context.
First, the often-cited gross costs of
health care reform do not take into
account the public and private savings
that would result. Second, the costs of
comprehensive reform are not large
compared with the gross domestic
product and health care spending that
will occur over the 10-year period.
And third, enormous costs will be
borne in the absence of reform, but
without the advantages that
comprehensive reform would bring.
(The entire paper with footnotes is available in PDF format.)
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