Abstract
Historically, residential segregation constrained where minorities could live, contributing to disparities in education, employment, and wealth. Researchers interested in the well-being and future prospects of low-income working families have not yet explored how their residential patterns may vary across racial and ethnic lines or considered the implications of these patterns. Therefore, this paper explores differences in neighborhood characteristics among white, black, and Hispanic low-income working families. The findings suggest that policies aimed at reducing the persistent disadvantages facing minority low-income working families need to address the ways the neighborhoods in which minorities live may be compounding these disadvantages.
Introduction
To date, researchers interested in the well-being and future prospects of low-income working families
have not explored the question of where these families live, or how residential patterns may vary across
racial and ethnic lines. Historically, residential segregation has constrained location choices for minorities
and has contributed to persistent disparities in education, employment, and wealth. This paper
explores differences in neighborhood characteristics among white, black, and Hispanic low-income
working families.
Location patterns among low-income working families reflect long-standing patterns well-documented
for U.S. households more generally:
- Most low-income working families live in metropolitan areas, and slightly more live in suburban areas
than in central cities.
- Whites are the least likely to live in central cities, while blacks are the most likely.
- Almost all white low-income working families live in majority-white neighborhoods, compared with
about a third of black and Hispanic low-income working families.
- One-third of black low-income working families and one-fifth of Hispanics live in high-poverty
neighborhoods, compared with only 3 percent of non-Hispanic whites.
- More than half of Hispanic low-income working families live in neighborhoods that experienced
big increases in subprime lending, compared with less than half of blacks and less than a third of
whites.
Other research on the effects of neighborhood environment suggests that these differences warrant more
attention by both policymakers and researchers. Policies aimed at reducing the persistent disadvantages
facing minority low-income working families need to address how the neighborhoods in which they live
may be compounding these disadvantages, both by compensating for the deficits of poor and minority
neighborhoods and by helping low-income working families move to neighborhoods offering greater
access to opportunity.
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