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Abstract
A main criticism of the HOPE VI program is that intentionally relocating residents—even temporarily—increases the likelihood that some residents will end up homeless. Housing authorities have been accused of "losing" residents and not providing them with the relocation assistance to which they were entitled; critics in some cities have claimed increases in shelter populations. However, most of the evidence has been anecdotal, and while there has been much rhetoric on both sides, there has been no hard evidence to support or disprove critics' claims that HOPE VI increases homelessness.
Introduction
A main criticism of the HOPE VI program
is that intentionally relocating residents—even temporarily—increases the likelihood
that some residents will end up homeless.
Some critics have cited the low numbers of
residents returning to revitalized HOPE VI
sites as an indication that the revitalization
process has harmed original residents
(National Housing Law Project 2002).
Housing authorities have been accused of "losing" residents and not providing them
with the relocation assistance to which they
were entitled. Other critics, particularly in
Chicago, where the nation's largest public
housing transformation effort is under
way, have claimed HOPE VI initiatives that
forced out residents have increased shelter
populations (Bennett, Smith, and Wright
2006). And, particularly early in the program,
there was evidence of serious problems
at some sites. For example, some
housing authorities proceeded with relocation
so quickly that they flooded the market
with voucher holders, thus making it difficult
for residents to find landlords to accept
their housing assistance (Buron et al. 2002).
However, most of this evidence is anecdotal,
and while there has been much rhetoric
on both sides, there has been no hard evidence
to support or disprove critics' claims
that HOPE VI increases homelessness.
This brief uses data from the HOPE VI
Panel Study (see text box on page 7), which
has been tracking a sample of 887 residents
from five HOPE VI sites since 2001, to address
whether HOPE VI initiatives increase
the chances that original residents will be at
greater risk of homelessness. We use three
different strategies to examine how many
residents have become homeless or faced
serious housing hardship since HOPE VI
revitalization began. First, we use survey
data to identify residents who report experiencing
homelessness or were doubled up
with other households (and considered
"precariously housed"). Second, we look at
the available data on nonrespondents in
our sample—that is, those we were unable
to interview—to see if we can determine
their housing status. Finally, we look at
the housing status of survey respondents
who reported no longer receiving housing
assistance.
(End of excerpt. The complete brief is available in PDF format.)
The nonpartisan Urban Institute publishes studies, reports, and books on timely topics worthy of public consideration. The views expressed are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the Urban Institute, its trustees, or its funders.
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